Showing posts with label James Kynge. Show all posts
Showing posts with label James Kynge. Show all posts

Wednesday, September 16, 2009

China's New, Self-Propelled Economy

A few months ago, we mentioned James Kynge's 'China Continental' thesis. In that post, we excerpted an essay Kynge had written in the Financial Times explicating his thesis for China's continuing growth in the wake of declining exports. This was the excerpt we quoted from Kynge's essay:

China is going continental. Just as the US during the 19th century underwent a transition from export-oriented growth to a greater reliance on inner dynamism, so China is looking inwards for the engine to drive its economy.

In China’s case it is still early days, but evidence suggests the conventional view of an export-dependent, river delta-driven economy no longer matches the reality. The argument here is not that trade has somehow become unimportant to China, but rather that the energy generating the world’s fastest economic growth rate this year is increasingly coming from within.

A series of indicators reveals the shift to “China Continental” – the transition of the world’s most populous country into an increasingly self-propelling economic force.


A couple of items that appeared earlier this week in the Financial Times suggest that Kynge's thesis may have been correct. This item from Monday's Lex column, "China's Stimulus" is one, and Martin Wolf's column from Monday's FT, "Wheel of fortune turns as China outdoes west", is another. Here are a couple of brief excerpts from both.

Lex:

There is no precise breakdown of stimulus spending by geography. But $366bn falls under the heading of infrastructure and post-quake recovery; another $113bn under public housing and rural development. Only a small slice – $54bn to stimulate “technological innovation” – seems to explicitly favour developed regions. Output in 12 western provinces grew an average 8 per cent in the first half – a whole percentage point better than 11 provinces in the east.

This structural shift was evident in first-half figures from ICBC, China’s largest commercial lender. Its year-on-year percentage increase in operating income in the Yangtze and Pearl river deltas fell, but rose in central and western regions. In short, China would rather finance roads in Chengdu than sweatshops in Guangdong. Many private, export-led companies in coastal areas, lacking collateral in the form of land or government relationships, are still struggling for funds. Trade data on Friday showed exports and imports falling for the 10th month, year-on-year. Weak external demand is not the only cause; this is an unabashed internalisation of growth.


Martin Wolf:

China has emerged as the most significant winner from the financial and economic crisis. At the end of 2008, many questioned whether China would achieve its growth target of 8 per cent in 2009. Who now dares to do so?

Cushioned by its more than $2,100bn (€1,440bn, £1,260bn) of foreign currency reserves, huge trade and current account surpluses and a robust fiscal position, Beijing has been able to deploy all its levers over the financial system and the economy.

[...]

Three immediate questions arise. How has China responded to the crisis? Is its resurgent growth sustainable? How far will its recovery help the world economy?

The answer to the first question is: astonishingly. According to data reported at the end of last week, industrial output expanded 12.3 per cent in the 12 months to August, up from a 10.8 per cent increase in July. This is the fastest growth for a year.

[...]

Is this growth surge sustainable? In a word, yes. Inevitably, the torrid growth of bank credit and money is spilling over into asset prices, particularly equities. But there is little danger of excessive inflation in an economy with an appreciating currency, fully embedded in a world economy still threatened more by deflation than by inflation, at least in the near term. Moreover, the government is solvent. As premier Wen Jiabao noted in Dalian, "we . . . kept budget deficit and government debt at around 3 per cent and 20 per cent of the GDP respectively". Should bad loans increase, China is well able to recapitalise its financial system.


This is good news, of course, for companies selling raw materials to China, for vendors to those companies (e.g., Alloy Steel International), and, more broadly, for countries such as Australia and Brazil that export significant amounts of raw materials to China.

Saturday, June 6, 2009

James Kynge's Thesis: "China Continental"; John Authers's Follow Up

James Kynge laid out his thesis for China's continuing growth in the wake of declining exports in a recent Financial Times column, "China Continental". Excerpt:

China is going continental. Just as the US during the 19th century underwent a transition from export-oriented growth to a greater reliance on inner dynamism, so China is looking inwards for the engine to drive its economy.

In China’s case it is still early days, but evidence suggests the conventional view of an export-dependent, river delta-driven economy no longer matches the reality. The argument here is not that trade has somehow become unimportant to China, but rather that the energy generating the world’s fastest economic growth rate this year is increasingly coming from within.

A series of indicators reveals the shift to “China Continental” – the transition of the world’s most populous country into an increasingly self-propelling economic force.


Kynge lists a few different specific metrics to back up his case, including increases in China's retail sales and domestic cargo traffic, and survey results on consumer spending intentions, before addressing China skeptics in his conclusion:

Sceptics argue that China’s performance this year has come through huge but ultimately unsustainable government intervention. Such spending, they say, will boost growth for a time but achieve little but industrial overcapacity in the longer run. These arguments are not without merit, but they miss a newer, more interesting prospect; that Chinese growth is increasingly self-generating and continentally driven.


Recent moves in the commodity markets support Kynge's thesis, as John Authers noted in his Financial Times column today ("China's health gives rise to fresh growth theory"):

Industrial commodities, that benefit most from economic growth, have surged, with lead and copper up more than 50 per cent in three months. Gold, an inflation hedge, has barely gained.


Authers went on to summarize the debate about China's economy (both sides of which have been fleshed out by Kynge and Zeihan, respectively):

As a whole, even before yesterday's strong headline to the US jobless report, world markets were plainly working on the assumption that China has saved the world from Depression. Is the market right to do so?

There are two camps. The optimistic side, laid out by James Kynge in the Financial Times last week, is "China Continental"; like the US in the late 19th century, China can turn itself into a great economic power, by building links to its interior and unleashing its buying power.

The pessimistic side suggests China has poured money into the public sector, and will merely form excess capacity. The huge demand for industrial metals may be artificial.

Electricity generation is down year-on-year. Supply managers surveys show new export orders are barely expanding. So maybe China is caricaturing the US in the 1930s, and paying some people to dig holes and others to fill them in.

If so, the gains could soon be in for another ugly recoupling. Either way, nothing just now is more important than the health of the Chinese economy.

Geography as Destiny? Zeihan on China



Below is an excerpt from the China-related part of Peter Zeihan's column The Geography of Recession.

China's core is the farmland of the Yellow River basin in the north of the country, a river that is not readily navigable and is remarkably flood prone. Simply avoiding periodic starvation requires a high level of state planning and coordination. (Wrestling a large river is not the easiest thing one can do.) Additionally, the southern half of the country has a subtropical climate, riddling it with diseases that the southerners are resistant to but the northerners are not. This compromises the north's political control of the south.

Central control is also threatened by China's maritime geography. China boasts two other rivers, but they do not link to each other or the Yellow naturally. And China's best ports are at the mouths of these two rivers: Shanghai at the mouth of the Yangtze and Hong Kong/Macau/Guangzhou at the mouth of the Pearl. The Yellow boasts no significant ocean port. The end result is that other regional centers can and do develop economic means independent of Beijing.

With geography complicating northern rule and supporting southern economic independence, Beijing's age-old problem has been trying to keep China in one piece. Beijing has to underwrite massive (and expensive) development programs to stitch the country together with a common infrastructure, the most visible of which is the Grand Canal that links the Yellow and Yangtze rivers. The cost of such linkages instantly guarantees that while China may have a shot at being unified, it will always be capital-poor.

Beijing also has to provide its autonomy-minded regions with an economic incentive to remain part of Greater China, and "simple" infrastructure will not cut it. Modern China has turned to a state-centered finance model for this. Under the model, all of the scarce capital that is available is funneled to the state, which divvies it out via a handful of large state banks. These state banks then grant loans to various firms and local governments at below the cost of raising the capital. This provides a powerful economic stimulus that achieves maximum employment and growth — think of what you could do with a near-endless supply of loans at below 0 percent interest — but comes at the cost of encouraging projects that are loss-making, as no one is ever called to account for failures. (They can just get a new loan.) The resultant growth is rapid, but it is also unsustainable. It is no wonder, then, that the central government has chosen to keep its $2 trillion of currency reserves in dollar-based assets; the rate of return is greater, the value holds over a long period, and Beijing doesn't have to worry about the United States seceding.

Because the domestic market is considerably limited by the poor-capital nature of the country, most producers choose to tap export markets to generate income. In times of plenty this works fairly well, but when Chinese goods are not needed, the entire Chinese system can seize up. Lack of exports reduces capital availability, which constrains loan availability. This in turn not only damages the ability of firms to employ China's legions of citizens, but it also removes the primary reason the disparate Chinese regions pay homage to Beijing. China's geography hardwires in a series of economic challenges that weaken the coherence of the state and make China dependent upon uninterrupted access to foreign markets to maintain state unity. As a result, China has not been a unified entity for the vast majority of its history, but instead a cauldron of competing regions that cleave along many different fault lines: coastal versus interior, Han versus minority, north versus south.

China's survival technique for the current recession is simple. Because exports, which account for roughly half of China's economic activity, have sunk by half, Beijing is throwing the equivalent of the financial kitchen sink at the problem. China has force-fed more loans through the banks in the first four months of 2009 than it did in the entirety of 2008. The long-term result could well bury China beneath a mountain of bad loans — a similar strategy resulted in Japan's 1991 crash, from which Tokyo has yet to recover. But for now it is holding the country together. The bottom line remains, however: China's recovery is completely dependent upon external demand for its production, and the most it can do on its own is tread water.


James Kynge of the Financial Times has an entirely different take on China's near-term economic prospects. We'll save Kynge's thesis for the next post, to keep this one from getting too long.

The image above comes from Zeihan's column.